Substantive Legitimacy over Symbolic Formalism: A Maqāṣid-Based Framework for Religion State Relations
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.70211/gils.v1i1.387Keywords:
Constitutional Theory, Islamic Legal Philosophy, Maqāṣid Al-Sharī‘ah, Religion State Relations, State LegitimacyAbstract
Debates on religion state relations in Muslim-majority societies are frequently framed within a binary opposition between theocratic and secular models, often reducing legitimacy to institutional form rather than normative substance. This study aims to examine how state legitimacy should be assessed from the perspective of Islamic legal philosophy by moving beyond structural classification toward a substantive evaluative framework. Employing a normative philosophical legal research design, the study integrates doctrinal analysis with a conceptual reconstruction of the ontological, epistemological, and axiological dimensions of Islamic law, using maqāṣid al-sharī‘ah as the principal analytical framework. The findings reveal that Islamic legal philosophy does not prescribe a fixed constitutional model of governance; instead, it prioritizes the realization of justice, public welfare, and the protection of human dignity as the core criteria of legitimacy. The study argues that legitimacy in Islam is substantive rather than structural, meaning that neither religious labeling nor secular constitutional design automatically determines normative validity. By systematically positioning maqāṣid al-sharī‘ah as an evaluative benchmark for governance, this research contributes a structured philosophical alternative to the prevailing theocratic secular dichotomy. The implications of this study lie in providing a normative framework for assessing governance in pluralistic societies, fostering constructive engagement between Islamic jurisprudence and contemporary constitutional theory.
References
[1] R. Madinier, “Pancasila in Indonesia a ‘religious laicity’ under attack?,” in Asia and the Secular: Francophone Perspectives in a Global Age, 2022, pp. 71–91, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110733068-005.
[2] S. Siful, H. Hasir, and M. Iqbal, “State, Religion, and Modernity: A Critical Analysis of the Relationship Between Political Islam and the State in the Context of Reform,” J. Mediasas Media Ilmu Syari’ah dan Ahwal Al-Syakhsiyyah, vol. 8, no. 1, pp. 124–141, Mar. 2025, DOI: https://doi.org/10.58824/mediasas.v8i1.298.
[3] A. Zahir, “Beyond Fixed Political Models of Religion–State Relations,” Religions, vol. 14, no. 3, p. 384, Mar. 2023, DOI: https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14030384.
[4] M. R. Rahman, “Secularism and Islam as the state religion Conflict or coexistence?,” in A History of the Constitution of Bangladesh: The Founding, Development, and Way Ahead, 2023, pp. 58–73, DOI: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003276814-5.
[5] A. Jong, “The Post-Secular Cosmopolitanization of Religion,” Religions, vol. 16, no. 3, p. 334, Mar. 2025, DOI: https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16030334.
[6] B. Becker and D. Dulay, “Between God and Nation: The Colonial Origins of Democracy Support in British Africa,” Stud. Comp. Int. Dev., Dec. 2024, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-024-09450-2.
[7] Z. Zulfadli, “Variations of Islam and democracy in Muslim countries: From Islamic countries to secular Muslim countries and its relevance to the discourse of Islam and democracy,” Masyarakat, Kebud. dan Polit., vol. 35, no. 2, pp. 193–206, Jun. 2022, DOI: https://doi.org/10.20473/mkp.V35I22022.193-206.
[8] F. Abdul Majiid, “Islamic Populism and The Question of Secularism | ISLAMIC POPULISM AND THE QUESTION OF SECULARISM: THE CASE OF INDONESIA AND TURKEY,” J. Penelit. Polit., vol. 20, no. 1, pp. 1–15, 2023, DOI: https://doi.org/10.14203/jpp.v20i1.1322.
[9] M. Di Placido and S. Palmisano, “Religious Freedom, Governance of Religious Diversity, and Interreligious Dialogue: The Case of Turin,” Religions, vol. 16, no. 8, p. 952, Jul. 2025, DOI: https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16080952.
[10] Z. Sajir, “A Post-Secular Approach to Managing Diversity in Liberal Democracies: Exploring the Interplay of Human Rights, Religious Identity, and Inclusive Governance in Western Societies,” Religions, vol. 14, no. 10, p. 1325, Oct. 2023, DOI: https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14101325.
[11] T. Modood, “Sekularyzm i wielokulturowość – wzajemnie połączone wyzwania polityczne,” Chrześcijaństwo-Świat-Polityka, no. 26, pp. 36–50, Dec. 2022, DOI: https://doi.org/10.21697/CSP.2022.26.1.02.
[12] R. Namazi, “Islamic Political Thought and the ‘Constitution of Medina,’” Comp. Polit. Theory, vol. 3, no. 2, pp. 129–153, Oct. 2023, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/26669773-bja10052.
[13] H. Efendi Samosir, Md Noor Bin Hussin, Sudianto, Marlina, and Azman, “Recontextualizing the Medina Charter: Consensus-Based Political Communication for Contemporary Plural Societies,” MILRev Metro Islam. Law Rev., vol. 4, no. 1, pp. 645–675, Jun. 2025, DOI: https://doi.org/10.32332/milrev.v4i1.10523.
[14] H. Rahman, “An Evaluation of the Aqabah Pledges and the Charter of Medina to the Birth of Political Authority in Islamic Political Thought,” İnsan ve Toplum Bilim. Araştırmaları Derg., vol. 9, no. 5, pp. 3379–3396, Dec. 2020, DOI: https://doi.org/10.15869/itobiad.748609.
[15] T. I. Haekal, D. Ali, and M. Din, “Pemenuhan Hak Narapidana Wanita Yang Melahirkan Di Lembaga Pemasyarakatan,” J. Ilmu Huk., vol. 2, no. 3, p. 11, 2014.
[16] F. Hassan, “Patterns of Peaceful Cooperation in Medieval Muslim Medina and Its Relevance to the Present,” Iḥyāʾalʿulūm - J. Dep. Quran o Sunnah, vol. 21, no. 1, Jul. 2021, DOI: https://doi.org/10.46568/ihya.v21i1.100.
[17] N. S. Nawi, “The Medina Charter as the Basis of Social Unity for Multi-Ethnic Communities in Medina,” Islamiyyat, vol. 46, no. 2, pp. 220–228, Dec. 2024, DOI: https://doi.org/10.17576/islamiyyat-2024-4602-20.
[18] E. Beltramini, “Toward a Historiography of the Sacred,” Religions, vol. 15, no. 12, p. 1516, Dec. 2024, DOI: https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121516.
[19] J. B. Moniz, “Secularization in Europe: Causes, Consequences, and Cultural Diversity,” Religions, vol. 14, no. 3, p. 423, Mar. 2023, DOI: https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14030423.
[20] M. Karataş, “The Paradox of Religiosity–Secularism in Formal Religious Education,” Religions, vol. 16, no. 1, p. 99, Jan. 2025, DOI: https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16010099.
[21] M. Mirshahvalad, “Islamic reform with or without Ulama? A comparative study between al-Kawakibi and Naini,” Br. J. Middle East. Stud., vol. 52, no. 4, pp. 975–990, Aug. 2025, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2024.2373986.
[22] M. Ahmad, L. M. N. Wathoni, Sainun, and Saidah, “Sociocultural Dynamics of Islamic Legal Reform Across Muslim-Majority Countries: A Comparative Perspective,” DIKTUM J. Syariah dan Huk., vol. 23, no. 2, pp. 214–231, May 2025, DOI: https://doi.org/10.35905/diktum.v23i2.13072.
[23] D. Bessner, “Necessary but insufficient: A historical critique of abdullahi an-Na’im’s model of the secular state,” Int. J. Interdiscip. Soc. Sci., vol. 4, no. 6, pp. 69–81, 2009, DOI: https://doi.org/10.18848/1833-1882/cgp/v04i06/52936.
[24] B. Peterson, “Visions of the Islamic State: Fazlur Rahman and Islamic Nomocracy,” Islam. Stud., vol. 62, no. 2, pp. 161–188, 2023, DOI: https://doi.org/10.52541/isiri.v62i2.2658.
[25] N. A. Hamudy and M. I. A. Hamudy, “CAK NUR ON POLITICS: Indonesian Political Islam and the Role of Islamic Politics,” Al-Risalah Forum Kaji. Huk. dan Sos. Kemasyarakatan, vol. 20, no. 1, pp. 97–113, 2020, DOI: https://doi.org/10.30631/alrisalah.v20i1.554.
[26] K. Zada, A. Faizin, A. M. Abdillah, A. Hifni, and J. Wahyudi, “The Constitutionalization of Sharia in Muslim Countries: Historical and Political Struggles in Indonesia, Türkiye, and Saudi Arabia,” Mazahib, vol. 24, no. 2, pp. 435–455, Dec. 2025, DOI: https://doi.org/10.21093/mj.v24i2.11679.
[27] M. S. Maulana, “The Politics of Religious Recognition: A Comparative Study of Modern Government Policies in Indonesia and Turkey,” J. Law, Polit. Humanit., vol. 6, no. 1, pp. 148–156, Oct. 2025, DOI: https://doi.org/10.38035/jlph.v6i1.2435.
[28] N. M. Nggilu, W. Wahidullah, E. Noviawati, and D. E. Ismail, “Indonesia’s Constitutional Identity: A Comparative Study of Islamic Constitutionalism,” Jure J. Huk. dan Syar’iah, vol. 16, no. 2, pp. 480–500, Dec. 2024, DOI: https://doi.org/10.18860/j-fsh.v16i2.29851.
[29] J. W. Creswell and J. D. Creswell, Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods Approaches, SAGE Publications, 2022, [Online]. Available: https://books.google.co.id/books?id=Pr2VEAAAQBAJ.
[30] S. Taekema, “Methodologies of Rule of Law Research: Why Legal Philosophy Needs Empirical and Doctrinal Scholarship,” Law Philos., vol. 40, no. 1, pp. 33–66, Feb. 2021, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10982-020-09388-1.
[31] M. Ahyar and N. Huda, “Islamic Constitutionalism: Social Movement and the Framework of the Indonesian Constitution,” Const. Rev., vol. 7, no. 2, p. 326, Dec. 2021, DOI: https://doi.org/10.31078/consrev726.
[32] U. Mehdad Al-Turabi and J. Auda, “Toward a Maqāṣid-Based Legal Reform: Systemic Thinking for Social Transformation in the Modern Muslim World,” Indones. J. Islam. Law, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 209–228, Dec. 2025, DOI: https://doi.org/10.35719/fhw10v84.
[33] R. W. Hefner, “Religion, Law and Intolerance in Indonesia,” J. Law Relig., vol. 33, no. 1, pp. 117–121, Apr. 2018, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2018.19.
[34] H. Hoktaviandri, S. Suatri, I. B., S. S. Ningsih, M. Effauzi, and M. Ritonga, “Diversity and Urgency of Religious Moderation Education According to the Public Perception,” Al-Hayat J. Islam. Educ., vol. 8, no. 2, p. 505, Apr. 2024, DOI: https://doi.org/10.35723/ajie.v8i2.506.
[35] R. Altuntaş-Çakir, A Political Theory of Muslim Democracy, pp. 1–306, 2022, DOI: https://doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474479523.001.0001.
[36] P. Henne, “Terrorism and Religion: An Overview,” in Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, Oxford University Press, 2019, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.693.
[37] D. Peterson, “Islamism, Blasphemy, and Public Order in Contemporary Indonesia,” Islam. Stud. Rev., vol. 3, no. 1, pp. 122–156, Jul. 2024, DOI: https://doi.org/10.56529/isr.v3i1.257.
[38] R. Lubis, R. H. Lubis, H. Sulaiman, D. Purnama, N. Nuranisah, and N. Isyanto, “Reconstruction of the Principle of People’s Sovereignty Based on the Perspective of Fiqh Siyasah,” KARSA J. Soc. Islam. Cult., vol. 33, no. 2, Dec. 2025, DOI: https://doi.org/10.19105/karsa.v33i2.20852.
[39] M. S. Moktar and M. H. Ghani, “Political Legitimacy Through Bay’ah: A Comparative Study Between the Texts of the Qur’an, Hadith, and Modern Applications,” Int. J. Res. Innov. Soc. Sci., vol. 9, no. 30, pp. 339–342, Dec. 2025, DOI: https://doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.930000045.
[40] H. Alibašić, “Exploring the influence of Islamic governance and religious regimes on sustainability and resilience planning: A study of public administration in Muslim-majority countries,” Public Policy Adm., vol. 39, no. 4, pp. 556–587, Oct. 2024, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/09520767231223282.
[41] S. A. Rid, “How Democracy Affects Religious Freedom In Muslim Majority Countries,” Asia-Pacific - Annu. Res. J. Far East South East Asia, vol. 38, pp. 126–148, Feb. 2021, DOI: https://doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.Iss0.2377.
Downloads
Published
Issue
Section
License
Copyright (c) 2026 Ikhwan Fikri, Triono
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.